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墨書 Inktalez
Hermann Müller sat in the car, deep in thought about his future. Recently, his career had been struggling. After President Albert's assassination, Miller took over the position of Chairman of the Social Democratic Party.
At first, Hermann Müller was ambitious and aimed to restore the glory of the Social Democratic Party. He made efforts to exert the party's influence in both Congress and the government. However, soon enough, the harsh realities began to hit him.
In the 1926 Congress elections, the Social Democratic Party remained the largest party in Congress, but its vote count decreased by ten percent compared to the previous year. This was mainly due to the rise of the National Socialist Party in Berlin, which siphoned off a significant number of votes from the Social Democratic Party. After all, more radical slogans were more appealing to the lower and middle classes of Germany during turbulent times, while the Social Democratic Party had always been known for its weakness.
Overall, the Social Democratic Party faced setbacks after the death of President Albert. The power vacuum left by the government was quickly divided among various political parties, and it can be said that everyone benefited greatly, while the Social Democratic Party ended up being the biggest loser.
In addition, the policies implemented by the Social Democratic Party are difficult to enforce, not because of Miller's incompetence, but because the weak Social Democratic Party lacks support from all levels of society in Germany.
The left-wing Communist Party attacks the Social Democratic Party as traitors to the workers' revolution, denouncing them as the murderers of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, and calling on all left-wing parties to oppose any actions of the Social Democratic Party, causing them significant trouble at the Congress.
Right-wing parties such as the German National People's Party (note: not The German People's Party; the former was the second largest party in Germany in 1926) consider the Social Democratic Party traitorous for supporting the signing of the Treaty of Versailles.
Former President Albert once said, "Whoever signs the 'Versailles Treaty' will have their hands rotten," but then turned around and supported the signing of the treaty. Although it was a reluctant choice, this kind of double-dealing behavior made many people look down on him. The right-wing often organized assassination actions against the high-level members of the Social Democratic Party, causing a period of widespread fear within the party.
Miller himself also had a very difficult job because he was the Minister of Foreign Affairs representing Germany at the time of signing the "Treaty of Versailles." At the moment of signing the treaty, he knew that he would be nailed to the pillar of historical shame.
Sure enough, when Miller stepped off the plane returning home, he was met with a barrage of accusations. Many people condemned Miller as a traitor, and some even threw stones at him. It was only with the protection of the military that he managed to escape the airport in a sorry state.
Thinking of this, Miller couldn't help but envy his junior, Strasser.
Without comparison, there is no harm. Both are diplomats, both are acting under orders, yet one receives flowers and praise while the other only faces scorn and insults.
"Perhaps this is God's test for us. Only through suffering can we see a bright future," Miller could only console himself.
"Mr. Miller, we have arrived at the presidential palace," his driver reminded.
"Dear President Hindenburg, I wonder what brings you to call me today."
In a dimly lit room, Miller met the elderly President Hindenburg.
Miller had to lower his posture significantly; although the Social Democratic Party was currently the largest party in Congress and was maintaining the operation of the government on the surface, this position was only achieved through their cooperation with the Royalists, and even then, the Social Democratic Party held a subordinate status.
Many of their proposals need the approval of the current Empire Heroes, and the Social Democratic Party has reached the point of obeying the opinions of Hindenburg Group.
"I called you here today to discuss a collaboration with your Social Democratic Party," said Hindenburg slowly, speaking at a slow pace, but Miller patiently listened.
"Last month, Seeckt approached me and expressed his desire to welcome back His Majesty the Emperor in Netherlands. What is your Social Democratic Party's opinion on this?"
Miller looked at Hindenburg's expressionless face, feeling uncertain about the thoughts of the Old Marshal.
"We, the Social Democratic Party, always support the president. The president's opinion is our opinion, and the president's decision is the external decision. However, our Social Democratic Party has limited capabilities and may not be able to assist you much."
Miller's idea is to give President Hindenburg all the support besides help. The Social Democratic Party now just wants to keep a low profile, recuperate, and not stir up trouble in Congress.
"Take the long view, Chairman Miller," Hindenburg knew that these weak Social Democratic Party members were afraid of causing trouble, so he threw out his bargaining chip,
"Don't you want to avenge former Chairman Albert?"
"Of course we need to take revenge," Miller responded firmly, but with some confusion. "Last time we came to you, didn't you say we couldn't touch Strasser? Why have you changed your mind now?"
"That's because Strasser has the support of Seeckt and Ludendorff behind him. With these two protecting him, it's difficult for even me to take action against him."
"But now the situation is different. Seeckt is walking a tightrope on the edge of a cliff; if someone gives him a push, he will be doomed. As for Ludendorff, Strasser's position in the National Defense Forces has already threatened him. If I throw out enough chips, it wouldn't be impossible for Ludendorff to sell out Strasser. By that time, Strasser will have lost both of his protectors, and dealing with him will be a piece of cake for us."
In Hindenburg's vision, without the support of the National Defense Forces, Strasser's acquisition of seats in Congress would be futile, just like the Communist Party of Germany, which lacks a strong military force for protection; using the police to suppress them would suffice.
Although the spies previously placed within the National Socialist Party were purged by Strasser, some still slipped through the cracks, but none held significant positions. However, according to the intelligence they relayed back, the armed forces of the National Socialist Party consisted only of the vanguard led by Coy. While their numbers were comparable to those of Germany's police force, their quality was vastly inferior; compared to professional soldiers, these individuals were merely a rabble.
Although intelligence indicated that Strasser was suspected of forming an elite special operations team with combat capabilities comparable to those of the National Defense Forces soldiers, Hindenburg dismissed them when he learned that this unit consisted of only a few hundred men. He believed that issuing an order for a regiment to suppress them would be more than sufficient.
Logically, Hindenburg's plan seemed very reasonable; however, he underestimated one crucial factor: Strasser's infiltration of the National Defense Forces exceeded his expectations, and Seeckt's trust in Strasser was also greater than he had anticipated.
Hindenburg believed that Seeckt and Ludendorff were part of the Juncker nobility group, and they were old acquaintances. Although there were conflicts and frictions between them, they shared the same principles when it came to suppressing the Red movement.
However, it turned out that this was merely his wishful thinking; the overall characteristics could not be inferred to individuals. Even if Seeckt and Ludendorff would not support Strasser, they would certainly not side with him, especially since he planned to stab Seeckt in the back.
"I don't understand, President Hindenburg, aren't you a Royalist? Why are you opposing General Siket's proposal?" Although very tempted by this proposal, Hecate was very puzzled by Hindenburg's actions. Hindenburg has always been favored by the House of Hohenzollern, and his position as marshal was personally bestowed by Wilhelm II. Logically, he should be loyal to the royal family.
"Of course, I respect Wilhelm II and appreciate the contributions of the House of Hohenzollern to Germany," Hindenburg first affirmed the role of the royal family, then changed the subject.
"But in my heart, stability overwhelms everything. The current situation proves that all levels of Germany no longer welcome the return of the emperor. If restoration is forced, it will only lead to civil war in Germany. Therefore, for the future of Germany, I can only sacrifice personal feelings."
"Whether it's for the future of Germany or for your own sake, I'll pretend not to know for now."
Looking at Hindenburg speaking with great righteousness, Hecate sneered, but since Hindenburg was so determined, he had no reason to oppose it.
"In that case, on behalf of the Social Democratic Party, I support your decision. When Seeckt announces support for the restoration, we will impeach General Siket at the Congress. If we work together, we will definitely be able to drive him out of the position of Commander-in-Chief."
"By then, you will have avenged President Albert, and we will have eliminated the threat of National Socialism. It's a win-win deal, isn't it?" joked Hindenburg.
"No mistake! This is a win-win situation! A big win, a special win!" Hecate smiled.
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