Book Synopsis
Book Tags
Donation Rankings
Comment
0 Comments
You May Also Like
墨書 Inktalez
The Grand Kremlin Palace is one of the main buildings within the Kremlin. Inside the Kremlin walls, facing the Moscow River, is the beautiful building with three rows of tall windows, which is the Grand Kremlin Palace. It was built from 1839 to 1849 on the site of the old palace, and is connected by the ancient Andreyevsky Hall and the Alexandrovsky Hall. The exterior of the Grand Kremlin Palace is in the classical Russian style, and the halls are built in various architectural styles, coordinated and decorated splendidly.
In the center of the palace is a loft adorned with various floral patterns, topped with a 13-meter-high copper dome that rises above the main building, and has a flagpole for raising the national flag on holidays.
The interior of the Kremlin is rectangular, with 700 halls and rooms on the upper floor surrounded by a terrace, totaling an area of 20,000 square meters.
In the past, the first floor, apart from the administrative offices, was entirely the private chambers of the Tsar, with a wide white staircase leading to the various halls on the second floor.
Here are the Georgiev Hall, the Vladimir Hall, and the Yekaterina Hall, and there used to be the Andreyev Hall, which was once the place where the Tsar received envoys. For first-time visitors to the Kremlin, it is a beautiful cultural sanctuary. However, for government workers who come here every day, it is definitely nothing out of the ordinary.
Only Bukharin can find different beauty from the same place every time.
But today, even Bukharin, who is good at finding beauty, has no heart to appreciate these beautiful scenery.
Just now, he had a quarrel with Stalin, and the Stalin and Bukharin alliance, which had previously joined forces to defeat the Opposition alliance led by Zinoviev, seems to have developed cracks immediately after dealing with their common enemy.
Today, Stalin summoned Bukharin to discuss his views on the New Economic Policy. Normally, given Stalin's temperament, he would never reveal any offensive intentions before being fully prepared to defeat his opponents. However, his previous conversations with Krupskaya and Kirov had somewhat influenced him.
He decided to be more frank, so he had a candid talk with Bukharin this morning. The more they talked, the more Bukharin was alarmed to find that he and Stalin had huge differences on how to build socialism. Stalin's main differences with Bukharin are as follows:
1. On the New Economic Policy
Stalin believes that the New Economic Policy should "allow private trade to a certain extent and within certain limits, while ensuring that the market plays a regulatory role for the country."
Meanwhile, Bukharin argues that the New Economic Policy is far more than a matter of trade freedom. Its most profound significance lies in "opening up the possibility for various economic forces and components to thrive, enabling economic development on this basis."
The approach to finding the correct combination between the private interests of small producers and the entire cause of socialism construction.
At the same time, in Stalin's view, the New Economic Policy was nothing more than a temporary policy, while Bukharin believed it was "a great and long-term strategic action taken on the economic front."
2. On the issue of market relations.
Bukharin believes that in commodity production, "the most important thing is market relations," and that one should "accelerate turnover, expand the market, and expand production on this basis," which is the path to developing production.
Stalin believes that Bukharin's opinion is to "normalize" the market, gradually eliminate country's regulatory role in the market, and "concede to the spontaneous forces of the petty bourgeoisie."
The result will inevitably be "the rupture of the weak forces in the working class and rural areas, and the combination of the rich classes in urban and rural areas."
3. On industrialization and the priority development of heavy industry
Stalin emphasized that "industry is the foundation of socialism".
"Industrialization is the basic path of socialism construction," and the encirclement of Capitalism and the backward economic and technological conditions at home and abroad forced the Soviet Union to "develop industry at a high speed," and "whenever possible, to accelerate this speed."
Bukharin emphasizes the need to consider the issue of farmers while achieving industrialization. "Industrialization policies should not only avoid alienating farmers, but instead form an alliance with them." It is necessary to maintain a certain pace of construction, but the speed should not be too high, "not too tight."
To see the danger of the lack of coordination between the development of industry and the development of agriculture.
4. On agricultural cooperation and collective farmization
Stalin believed that when there is no mass movement of collective farms, the cooperative society is "the path of development," but after the appearance of the collective farm movement, the collective farm becomes "the path of development."
Therefore, he advocated for the full development of collective farm movements and quickly achieved collectivization. Bukharin believed that agricultural cooperation did not start from production, but from the domain of circulation, followed by "realizing the cooperation of production through various methods of parceling." This path of cooperation is "the broad road for the development of the peasant economy towards socialism."
This road is "very long," but it is "reliable," and the collective farm is not the road to socialism.
5. On the issue of peasants and the alliance of workers and peasants
Stalin emphasized the differentiation of peasants, poor peasants are the support of the working class, middle peasants are allies, but also have "duality" (workers and private owners), and rich peasants are class enemies.
They can only be fought. "Peace is impossible."
Bukharin emphasizes "the middle peasantization of the countryside."
Believing that "the basic rural masses are middle peasants," the main task for the working peasants is to "assist and transform" (transform the economic structure): for the rich peasants, it is "restriction, utilization." "Conduct economic struggle."
Sixth, on the issue of class struggle
In his view and handling of class contradictions, Bukharin believes that grassroots cooperative organizations of labor and peasants will become a link in the socialist economy. The "nest of wealthy farmers' cooperatives will also be integrated into this system through banks and so on.
However, they will in some respects be foreign bodies, such as the "enterprise" in the lease system.
"If the rich peasants enter the overall system, this will be a component of "country" capitalism."
Stalin criticized this as class conciliation, arguing that "there is an irreconcilable antagonism of interests between the urban and rural bourgeoisie and the working class."
Regarding the development trend and characteristics of class struggle, Stalin believed that the period of proletarian dictatorship is "filled with domestic wars and foreign conflicts... a whole historical era of attack and retreat, victory and defeat." The overthrown bourgeoisie will inevitably "attempt restoration," and "as the class enemy loses ground, socialism gains success, and the resistance of the class enemy intensifies."
Bukharin believed that during the transition from Capitalism to socialism, the overall development trend of class struggle is "the narrowing and ultimate disappearance of contradictions, but this does not exclude the sharpening of these contradictions in a certain period of development."
The huge differences made it impossible for the conversation to result in reconciliation, and Stalin and Bukharin ultimately failed to reach any consensus. As he was not yet ready to deal with the right-wing Opposition such as Bukharin, Stalin decided to first stabilize Bukharin in order to buy himself some time. He requested Bukharin, who had taken over the position of Zinoviev as the international chairman of the third country, to go to Germany to inspect a new emerging political party under the pretext of examining the German socialism movement, to confirm whether they had the willingness and qualifications to join the Communist International.
Stalin eventually decided to overthrow the Bukharin group, just as he had done in history. However, Bukharin had already sensed Stalin's murderous intent. He realized that the not-so-tall Georgia man's support for him was not an endorsement of his agricultural reform, but rather a means to eliminate Zinoviev and Kamenev. Bukharin now had the answer as to why Stalin had eliminated these two.
So, after getting rid of Gag and Zinoviev, who will be Stalin's next target?
Bukharin's heart sank at this moment, the dazzling sunlight in Moscow shone on Bukharin, but he felt no warmth at all.
What should he do?
Bukharin regrets being Stalin's accomplice. He helped others take down two evil wolves, only to find himself facing a lion alone. "Regret is useless now. I must find help for myself. Relying solely on the defeated Opposition is not enough. I need to seek strength from outside," Bukharin thought. He forced himself to calm down and decided to go to Berlin to see the new ethnic group Labour Party. To persuade Bukharin to go abroad, Stalin specially provided detailed information.
From Bukharin, I learned that this emerging political party in Germany has already begun to make a mark and has significant influence. Their deputy leader, Goebbels, seems to have even read some of my works. Perhaps I can take this opportunity to win over these people to support me in the Comintern. Even if I can't bring down Stalin, at least I can prevent my faction from being sidelined. If Bukharin knew that he would be executed in the future purge, his determination at this moment would probably be even stronger.
Comment 0 Comment Count