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墨書 Inktalez
National Socialist German Workers' Party has been dominating the northern region of Germany recently, ever since the assassination of President Albert and the subsequent retreat of the Social Democratic Party, which ceded Berlin to the National Socialist Party.
In historical terms, the year 1925 was not so comfortable for the National Socialist Party. Due to the intervention of the British and Americans, the Allies implemented The Dawes Plan in 1924 to restore Germany's economy in order to pay war reparations.
This plan led to an economic recovery in 1925, resulting in less acute social conflicts. Both left-wing and right-wing forces were restrained, and a moderate centrist party came to power.
In this timeline, at the beginning of 1925, the economy of the Weimar Republic was indeed showing an upward trend. However, the assassination of President Albert interrupted this process. The Congress became chaotic as it sought to redefine power dynamics, leading to the Dawes Plan not being implemented as planned.
By the end of 1925, Germany's economic recovery efforts were still stagnant, which allowed Strasser's National Socialist Party to rapidly develop during this window of opportunity. Of course, the National Socialist Party's ability to attract so many participants was not solely due to filling a void; their promoted ideology also resonated with the people of Berlin and gained a certain influence in northern Germany.
Between 1919 and 1923, Germany's economic downturn caused countless petty bourgeoisie to lose their savings and fall into the proletariat. After struggling in vain, they shifted the responsibility for their life failures onto society.
At this time, this group urgently needed an outlet to vent their frustrations over their disappointing lives, and the National Socialist Party emerged.
Under the leadership of Strasser, the National Socialist Party supported left-wing economic policies and vehemently criticized the Junker bourgeoisie, who held significant wealth and land. This stance earned them the favor of left-wing individuals.
At the same time, the National Socialist Party sharply mocked the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed under the guns of the Allies, calling for Germany to expand its military, tear up the treaty, and reunify Germany. This garnered them favor among right-wing individuals.
Both leftists and rightists saw something they desired in Strasser's program and slogans, leading many to rally under Strasser's banner. This was also a reason why the National Socialist Party developed faster than the Communist Party.
However, rapid growth had its drawbacks. As Strasser expanded membership in cities north of Berlin, many new faces joined the National Socialist Party, which had previously been absolutely loyal to Strasser.
This certainly strengthened Strasser's power, but divisions also began to emerge. The program proposed by Strasser absorbed the strengths of both the left and the right, allowing him to develop more rapidly, but it also meant he had to accept the weaknesses of both sides. Strasser believed that the contradictions in contemporary Germany were both ethnic group conflicts and class conflicts, meaning that the domestic class conflicts were intertwined with the external ethnic group conflicts. Germany should resolve its class conflicts internally and address its ethnic group conflicts externally.
However, now only about one-third of the party members, namely Strasser's supporters in Berlin, fully endorse Strasser's approach. The left wing within the National Socialist Party believes that Germany can unite the workers of both Anglo-French nations to jointly overthrow the Treaty of Versailles, while the right wing believes that as long as the oppression from Britain and France on Germany is resolved, the benefits gained will be sufficient to alleviate domestic class conflicts. Both factions have a considerable number of supporters and often argue at party conventions, with tensions sometimes escalating to physical confrontations. It is only through Strasser's personal prestige that he has managed to keep the conflicts between the two sides in check.
Strasser once asked Baron Dezhi about this issue, and the answer left him in a dilemma. Strasser clearly remembers the scene from that time: Baron Dezhi was sitting on the sofa, speaking earnestly to Strasser, "Gregor, it is very normal for there to be ideological contradictions within a party. A political party is like a vehicle; it cannot always go straight."
When it's a left turn ahead, we turn left, and when it's a right turn ahead, we turn right. As for the degree, you must learn to control it yourself because you are the driver. You not only need to be careful, but also grip the steering wheel firmly, because you are responsible for everyone in the car.
Strasser understood that he must lead the National Socialist Party's direction with absolute personal conviction. The truth is often held by a minority, and he could not allow some shortsighted individuals to interfere with the party's course.
In peacetime, it is permissible for these people to express differing opinions, as there is a cost to trial and error. However, in the context of diplomacy, Germany could not afford to make mistakes.
From that moment on, Strasser knew he had to pursue a path of centralization, not out of a desire for power, but because Germany needed a captain who held the highest authority—a Führer.
"I must ensure that Germany does not repeat the mistakes of history! I will defeat Hitler! I will defeat all the enemies of the German people!" Strasser was determined.
Just as Strasser was mentally preparing himself to begin his work, a knock sounded at the door.
"Come in."
Two figures entered the room, one tall and one short, who were none other than Coy and Goebbels.
"My Führer," both of them saluted.
"Führer, I have brought Dr. Goebbels back from Bavaria," Coy reported.
"I understand, you can go down first." Strasser waved his hand to indicate.
Coy bowed again before turning to leave. As he passed by Goebbels, he shot him a warning glance before finally exiting.
Goebbels let out a bitter smile.
"Leader..." He was about to defend himself when Strasser immediately interrupted him sternly, "I know what you want to say, Joseph, and I also know that you have a handgun hidden in your jacket pocket." "My Leader," Goebbels said, filled with trepidation.
"I'll ask you one question, Joseph," Strasser's tone softened at this moment. "For you, is a happy life for the German people more important, or is personal power and status more important? Tell me your answer. If it's the former, I'll treat today as if nothing happened, and you will remain the Vice Chairman of the National Socialist Party. If it's the latter, considering the significant contributions you've made for Berlin, I will let you go, but next time we meet, we may be enemies."
Strasser was also uncertain about Goebbels' choice at this moment, but his approach to such matters was completely opposite to Hitler's. Hitler would only take decisive action when a situation had escalated to a point that required resolution, while Strasser preferred to bring all unstable factors to the forefront from the beginning and eliminate them in the cradle.
"For me, which one is more important?"
Goebbels began to confront this issue, and various images flashed through his mind like a revolving lantern. There were memories of his youthful frustrations, the adoration he received during a speech in the Ruhr, conversations about ideals with Strasser in a café, and his pride in Hitler's commanding presence.
These memories seemed significant to him, yet none felt the most important. Goebbels struggled to weigh their significance, finding it difficult to make a decision.
Suddenly, an idea struck him; he found a good solution.
He closed his eyes and slowly, bit by bit, removed these memories from his brain. When he opened his eyes again, the first thing that came to his mind was the shocking words of Goebbels. It was a passage written in 1924 in his diary: "As a true German, our thinking should be simpler, our love nobler, our faith more fervent, and our speech more humble."
How to make the people of Germany become elegant and noble in suffering, a coward cannot do it, there must be a leader, a hero, a god.
We must find God! We are living in the world for this very reason!"
Goebbels was struck by lightning, trembling all over, covering his face with his hands to avoid showing his loss of composure.
"Are you alright? Goebbels," Strasser said with some concern. "If you can't make a decision right now, I can give you three days off to think it over."
"No, Führer."
Goebbels looked up, and as he put down his hand, his bloodshot eyes lit up with excitement as he said, "I know what I have been seeking all my life. The German people must seek their God and let that God lead them to defeat all their enemies."
"So, who do you think that God is?"
Although Goebbels' answer surprised Strasser somewhat, Strasser was more curious about what Goebbels' choice was.
"I don't know what kind of person can become a god, but I know that a god must be powerful," Goebbels said, staring at Strasser with a strange expression he had never shown before.
"I follow the strong, so I will remain loyal to you until you are defeated by Hitler."
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