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墨書 Inktalez
"Hitler is dead? You killed him with your own hands?"
Strasser looked at Ernst Röhm, who was reporting to him, with some surprise. He truly did not expect Röhm to have personally taken down Hitler.
It is worth noting that in history, Röhm had always regarded Hitler as a good brother and had never contemplated betraying him.
Of course, it might be due to the lack of guidance from a wise mentor. Just a week before the Night of the Long Knives, Röhm ordered the stormtroopers to hand over their weapons and go on leave to avoid provoking Hitler. This is no different from throwing away your weapons and then stretching your neck out in front of the enemy, begging for them to take your life.
In Strasser's view, it was already an extraordinary feat of persuasion that Röhm could be convinced to side with him against Hitler; he never expected Röhm to personally kill Hitler.
"Yes, Führer. The rebel, Hitler, has been personally executed by me in the prison." Rom said with righteous indignation, careful not to show any nostalgia for his old friend in front of Strasser. Especially since he had just aligned himself under Strasser, and their mutual trust was still not firmly established.
"Since that's the case," Strasser nodded, "I will arrange the upcoming tasks. I will provide you with everything I promised before. From now on, the stormtroopers and SS troops within the National Socialist Party will merge under the Vanguard's name. You will serve as the Commander-in-Chief of the Vanguard, responsible for all organization and operational matters of the Vanguard."
"Except for the small special operations team led by Coy, I entrust all the armed forces within the party to you."
"Hail to the leader! I will definitely defend you with my blood and life!"
Rom was a bit excited. After enduring countless hardships, he finally obtained the power he had longed for, and could continue to fight for National Socialism.
In contrast, Hitler's death seemed less sorrowful.
"I have a task for you, and you must complete it personally," Strasser said as he handed Rom a piece of paper. Rom looked closely and saw it was filled with the names of 29 people. He vaguely recognized a few famous physicists, but he did not grasp Strasser's intention.
"Leader, what is this?"
Strasser explained, "In the summer of 1927, Belgium's Brussels will host the fifth Solvay Conference, during which many physicists will attend."
All you need to do is to take every possible measure to win them over, of course without using force. I will provide you with all the support you need.
It would be best to have them acquire German nationality; if that fails, they should at least work under Germany. I will send Dr. Goebbels to accompany you."
These names come from the famous photo known as the "Meeting of the Physics Gods." Strasser decided to take the initiative and recruit these scientists to Germany before the British and Americans could act.
The significance of physics in warfare is extraordinary, as many weapons, such as atomic bombs, rely on these physicists for their creation. As long as these individuals are removed, Strasser believes that the level of physics in the United States will fall behind by decades compared to its historical progress. At that time, true physics will only exist in Germany.
"Yes, Führer."
Rom confidently agreed. He had witnessed Goebbels' eloquence, and with Strasser's strong support, Rom believed that winning over a few physicists would be an easy task.
Strasser smiled as he watched Rom leave, pondering what the future role of Rom would be.
Currently, Rom is still useful to him, and the National Socialist Party is still in the stage of seizing power. Now, he still needs Rom to develop vanguard nationwide to act as enforcers and ensure the development of the National Socialist Party. At the same time, the National Defense Forces cannot handle matters personally, so vanguard can also act on their behalf.
Strasser has an advantage over Hitler in dealing with Röhm because the National Socialist Party led by Strasser is more inclined to support the stormtroopers, whose main members come from the lower classes, and does not collude with the bourgeoisie. In fact, if time were not pressing, Strasser would prefer to completely nationalize the military enterprises rather than keep them. Therefore, in the foreseeable future, the conflict between Strasser and Röhm can only manifest as a power struggle, without any ideological disputes.
After all, many of Rom's ideas were still instilled in him by Strasser. The distribution of power can be compromised, but the struggle over ideology is irreconcilable. As for the next plan, Strasser has already outlined it in his notebook.
In terms of politics, efforts to promote nationwide will continue to intensify. Times have changed, and the power in Strasser's hands is much stronger than before, so the intensity and scope of the promotion will be greater. In addition to offline promotional activities, the National Socialist Party can also utilize radio and newspapers for publicity; however, the focus of their work will shift from combating capitalism to abolishing the Treaty of Versailles.
On one hand, it is to temporarily pacify the capitalists and unite more forces, so that when the next economic crisis arrives, they can be dealt a severe blow. On the other hand, Strasser needs to leverage the power of the government to develop Germany's military strength, recruit talent, and highlight advanced technologies from history in advance. However, compared to political matters, economic issues are what truly trouble Strasser.
As a defeated nation in World War I, Germany bore enormous war reparations and lost thirteen percent of its territory, resulting in a severely limited domestic market. The German government is now practically impoverished, barely getting by on its limited arms trade, making military reform utterly impossible. After much consideration, Strasser ultimately decided to focus efforts on prioritizing the development of the military.
There's a saying, "My neighbor hoards grain while I hoard weapons; my neighbor is my grain store."
"It seems that we must find a way to provide more economic income for the army."
For most Germany people, 1926 is about to pass uneventfully.
At the beginning of the year, United States people's The Dawes Plan injected a large amount of foreign capital into Germany, and many enterprise sprung up like mushrooms, so the unemployment rate in Germany showed a downward trend this year.
Workers' lives have been guaranteed at the most basic level, and class conflicts are not as intense as they used to be.
The most obvious manifestation is that the number of supporters for both left-wing and right-wing political parties is decreasing, while the supporters of the Social Democratic Party, representing the moderate reformists in the middle, are increasing.
After the consecutive losses of two leaders, Friedrich Albert and Hermann Müller, the Social Democratic Party still achieved such success, which must be attributed to the importance of the environment.
However, it is obvious that ordinary people are unaware that there have been significant changes in the political and military circles in Berlin, Germany, which have a huge impact on the national superstructure.
At the Congress, there was a significant turnover among the leaders of the Social Democratic Party and the Royalists. The newly appointed leader of the Royalists was carefully selected by Seeckt.
Although they supported the restoration of Wilhelm II, their actions at the Congress were more noise than substance. In 1926, the fourth, fifth, and sixth largest parties in the Congress announced their merger into a single political party. This newly formed party, which spans the political spectrum from left-wing to center and right, declared its name as the Germanic People's Labour Party, claiming to fight for the interests of German workers.
They simultaneously promote Nationalism and Socialism. Although many people express doubts about the future of this new party's merge, nearly one-third of the Congress seats make the Ethnic Group Labour Party a force to be reckoned with in the German Parliament.
As for the expanding military, after a brief period of chaos following Seeckt's resignation, the National Defense Forces quickly unified the voices within the General Staff of the Army.
Although Seeckt did not return to power, the General Staff of the Army elected a young Brigadier to succeed him as Commander-in-Chief of the National Defense Forces.
Many people have questioned this move, but those with insight quickly discovered that the new brigadier also serves as the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the government and the leader of the Congress party. It can be said that he holds the power of the party, the government, and the military, breaking the previous norms and causing a sensation in Germany.
Furthermore, the government structure remains intact, with most officials who did not directly participate in the coup being retained. The only change is the appointment of the new Prime Minister, who previously served as the Prime Minister of the Weimar Republic, Stresemann.
The esteemed Field Marshal Hindenburg continues to be the German President, but this Old Marshal seems to have recently caught a cold, so he has been staying indoors in Berlin, delegating many government affairs to his subordinates.
Of course, the reason why Field Marshal Hindenburg caught a cold may be related to the three divisions near Berlin returning to their garrisons, but no one will care about these details.
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