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墨書 Inktalez
"What do you mean by that, Comrade Stalin?"
Bukharin was somewhat puzzled; he had personally discussed the ideas of socialism with Strasser.
Strasser assured Bukharin that after seizing power, they would implement large-scale nationalization of the means of production, redistribute domestic wealth, and crack down on monopolistic companies.
Strasser's statement is strongly supported by Bukharin.
The fundamental criterion for determining whether a country practices socialism is whether its policies lead to common prosperity or polarization.
Moreover, no matter how much productivity improves or how the total economy rises to the world's top, it cannot prove that the country has achieved socialism.
The bourgeoisie spare no effort in instilling a viewpoint in the people that the wealth of the capitalists is the wealth of the entire ethnic group, so that even the poorest patriots in East London cannot help but swell with pride at the thought of Britain's wealth and industry.
In the future, even if the bourgeoisie change their name, call themselves the proletariat, and claim that their wealth is the people's wealth, it will not change their essence; it's all nonsense.
For dealing with these kinds of people, gas chambers and concentration camps are their best destination.
"I certainly know what kind of party the Labour Party is. I have already sent the Cheka to conduct a detailed investigation, although it is just a routine matter," Stalin said. "But their main idea is to build socialism within one country and not to support exporting revolution abroad, which is very serious."
"Isn't this your own proposition?"
Bukharin remembers that Lenin initially believed that socialism could first triumph in one country and then spread to other countries.
Stalin built on this idea by proposing the theory of building socialism in one country, considering the Soviet as a union of countries.
"Yes, I agree with the idea of one country socialism and I also support others following the concept of one country socialism. But Germany is not acceptable because it is too close to us. A party that seizes power based on this concept will inevitably come into conflict with us, even more dangerous than Anglo-French imperialism because Anglo-French is far from us, while Germany is only separated from us by Poland."
Stalin said that these two similar characters had not yet met, but there was already a strong sense of hostility between them. Strasser and Stalin both did not consider each other to be comrades who could cooperate. "We are all socialists in this country; why should we view them with the eyes of an enemy?"
Bukharin found it hard to believe. Although he had previously thought that Stalin, despite being ambitious and having a rough personality, still advocated for the unity of the world's people, how could he view comrades of socialism as enemies?
"At any time, the interests of the country are above ideological beliefs; it has been this way in the past, it is this way now, and it will be this way in the future," Stalin said in his steel-like voice, calm yet undeniable. Under his gaze, Bukharin kept retreating, eventually backing up against the wall.
"debateThis is the end, Comrade Bukharin. I hope you will not separate the unity of the party because of personal differences. We are comrades, so we should uphold the harmony and unity of the party."
Stalin issued an ultimatum. After the last conversation with Bukharin, he had made up his mind. If Bukharin was not willing to change his thinking, then he would have to change the person.
Standing by the wall, Bukharin was a bit shaky, but he finally adjusted his emotions. His face was pale, his eyes determined, showing that he had made a big decision. "I understand, Comrade Stalin. I will absolutely follow the decision of the Party Central Committee. I will firmly support you to repay your support for me in the struggle against Kamenev and Zinoviev Opposition."
"I am very pleased that you think so, Comrade Bukharin," Stalin nodded, somewhat surprised by Bukharin's performance. In the past, it was always Bukharin who won the debate, and then Stalin who won the vote.
"Since that's the case, let's quickly pass the resolution on the five-year plan at the next conference, including the version that involves collective farms and the abolition of the New Economic Policy."
"Of course, Comrade Stalin, I unconditionally support your decision."
At this moment, Bukharin's words were very submissive, which made Stalin very satisfied.
Suddenly, Bukharin pretended to be casual and tapped his forehead with his hand.
"Oh, I almost forgot, Comrade Stalin, there's something else I need to consult with you about."
"What is it?"
"Didn't I hear that Comrade Krupskaya, the widow of Comrade Lenin, caught a cold? Is she still not feeling well? I want to go see her in person."
Bukharin made a reasonable request.
"Of course, you don't need to ask for my permission for this kind of thing. Visiting a comrade is a very normal thing, isn't it?"
Stalin took on a reproachful posture, as if this kind of small matter did not need to be brought to his attention at all, as if he had personally arranged for Cheka to keep a close watch on Krupskaya's residence, not allowing anyone to approach easily.
"Thank you, Comrade Stalin, for your generosity. I will definitely offer you my loyalty and continue to fight for the cause of socialism."
Bukharin saluted, then opened the door and walked out.
Stalin silently watched his former ally leave. After a moment, he reached for the phone on his desk, dialed a few numbers, and connected to a line.
"Hello, this is Stalin. Connect me to Comrade Yagoda, the First Deputy Director of the Political Security Bureau of Country."
What a joke! If Bukharin could deceive Stalin with just a few words, how could Stalin ever hope to secure his position as the leader of the Soviet Union in the future?
Stalin could not determine whether Bukharin's stance was genuine or feigned, so he decided to clarify everything with facts. He planned to send someone to keep an eye on Bukharin to ensure that he posed no threat. However, Strasser also took into account Stalin's distrust and prepared multiple contingency plans for this reason.
It is just not the right time to use them, as the username of the caller that Stalin dialed was also within Strasser's expectations.
The small butterfly flapping its wings quickly brought about a greater storm, causing repercussions not only for the future of the Weimar Republic but also for the future of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
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