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墨書 Inktalez
Kremlin
After passing through the guards' inspection, Yagoda knocked on the door of the office of the leader of the Soviet Union.
"Come in."
The familiar sound came from inside the office, and Yagoda pushed open the door and walked in. He saw Stalin sitting at the desk, puffing on his favorite pipe while reviewing documents. There was also another person beside him, Kirov. "Long live the great leader, Comrade Stalin."
Yagoda enters the room and immediately salutes.
Now, members of the Stalin group always like to shout "long live" when they see the supreme leader to show their loyalty to Comrade Stalin, which can also be used to distinguish between enemy and our faction.
"You're here, Comrade Yagoda."
Stalin did not look up immediately, but instead reviewed the documents for three to five minutes before sizing up the visitor. He believed that this would help maintain his authority. "Is there something to report?" Yagoda glanced at Kirov beside him, and Stalin noticed his gaze, then smiled.
"No problem, Comrade Kirov is a trustworthy person. Just say what you need to say."
Stalin always saw Kirov as his successor and supported him, which greatly contributed to Kirov's rise to power in history.
In 1934, Kirov assumed the position of Secretary and Member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and a member of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union.
These positions combined placed him eighth in the hierarchy of power within the Soviet Communist Party at the time, making him the first in line to succeed Stalin.
Although conspiracy theories suggest that Kirov's assassination was orchestrated by Stalin to eliminate Kirov as a threat to his position, at least Stalin provided significant support for Kirov's rise.
While this may not seem like a major event, Kirov was deeply moved and teary-eyed.
He is very grateful for Stalin's trust in him, after all, there are not many people in the Soviet Communist Party who can gain Stalin's trust now. "Comrade Stalin, we recently received a message from the border station, claiming that a large number of people have illegally infiltrated the country from the Soviet and Polish border, and they haven't caught anyone." With Stalin's approval, Yagoda didn't care so much.
"Hmm? Can you determine which side they are from?"
Stalin looked somewhat surprised.
"Unfortunately, I can't."
"Because it was 3 am at the time, and the night was too dark. The border soldiers didn't even see anyone; they only judged that someone had illegally entered based on the messy footprints on the ground," Yagoda replied.
"We Cheka have been tracking these people, but they have clearly undergone special training and have strong anti-detection capabilities, so we have not caught them. The only thing we can be sure of is that these people are mainly fleeing in two directions, one group heading north and the other heading south."
"North? South? Are they targeting Leningrad and Stalingrad?"
It is natural to think of Stalin, after all, these two cities are the political and industrial centers of the Soviet Union. Destroying these cities would significantly impact the Soviet Union.
"I can't be sure, but it is certain that this is likely to be the next target of this group," Yagoda admitted.
"Since that's the case, Comrade Yagoda, I need you to lead the National Political Security Agency to strengthen protection and patrols in Leningrad and Stalingrad. We must not allow these saboteurs to achieve their goals."
Stalin made a decisive decision.
"Yes, Comrade Stalin."
Yagoda hesitated at this moment, thinking about whether to tell Stalin about Bukharin's situation.
"Is there something else, Comrade Yagoda?" Stalin asked, looking puzzled at Yagoda who was reluctant to leave.
"No, Comrade Stalin, I will immediately go organize the work."
Yagoda thought for a moment, since Stalin did not inquire, it was better not to say anything, it's better to avoid unnecessary trouble.
After Yagoda left, Stalin turned his gaze to Kirov, who noticed the leader's attention and respectfully asked:
"Comrade Stalin, do you have any tasks for me to carry out?"
"Yes, indeed. Since Leningrad is no longer safe, you should not return there."
For safety reasons, Stalin decided to have his successor lay low for the time being.
"He's unable to agree, Comrade Stalin, as a Communist party member, how can we retreat because of fear for the enemy's assassination? Kirov fearless face, his dictionary doesn't have the word 'retreat'."
"Not, it's not because you're temporarily avoiding trouble, but there is indeed a task that needs you to go and do something."
I need you to establish a broader and closer cooperation with the Germans in preparation for the Soviet Union's Five-Year Plan. You have previous experience working with the Germans, so you are the perfect choice for this diplomatic mission. I will arrange for Molotov to accompany you, and he will explain the specific requirements to you. Stalin was well aware of his follower's stubbornness, so he used a more tactful expression, which was also partly true.
"I understand, I will definitely successfully complete the mission. Long live the great leader Comrade Stalin."
Kirov said excitedly, he was duty-bound for the industrialization of the Soviet Union.
After Kirov left, only Stalin was left in the office. He sat in his chair, puffing on his pipe, lost in thought about recent events.
"These people, who sent them, the Polish people? There must be Anglo-French instigation behind this. It's not unreasonable to assume they are trying to undermine the Soviet Union's regime."
Stalin frowned. Although all these things had a reasonable explanation, he had an inexplicable feeling that everything was related to the emerging political party in Berlin.
Previously, Bukharin had been sent to Germany, and upon returning, he completely changed his previous resolute attitude and instead supported his own industrialization path at the party meeting.
Of course, it was on the condition that Stalin agreed to the ethnic group Labour Party joining the Comintern while retaining its autonomy.
Bukharin's high regard for the ethnic group Labour Party made Stalin take a closer look at this political party. He mobilized intelligence agencies to gather information about the ethnic group Labour Party.
The efficiency of Cheka's actions, combined with the cooperation of the German Communist Party, quickly resulted in a thick dossier on the ethnic group Labour Party being placed on Comrade Stalin's desk.
Stalin discovered that the Labour Party's predecessor was the National Socialist German Workers' Party, established under the guidance of Lassalle and Loberatus's corporatism theory. The party's previous chairman was Adolf Hitler, who promoted extreme nationalism and anti-Semitism. Looking at a photo of him hysterically speaking at a rally, Stalin frowned; he was not impressed by this failed art student. According to the Cheka's report, Strasser was originally the second-in-command of the party. After arriving in Berlin, he formed a faction loyal to himself, modified the Party Constitution to emphasize class struggle and combat anti-German forces, and called for the abolition of the Treaty of Versailles.
From this program, Stalin saw a guy who was similar to himself. Originally, Stalin thought that following Strasser's approach in Germany would at most lead to becoming a second Liebknecht, suppressed by the Junker nobility and the bourgeoisie. Unexpectedly, this guy really carved out a bloody path, first eliminating the right-wing faction within the party that compromised with the bourgeoisie, then gaining his own armed forces, and has already gained the upper hand in three years of struggle against domestic reactionary forces.
If foreign powers do not interfere, Stalin believes that the Labour Party can seize power in Germany before 1930, while the historically longer-established German Communist Party might only manage to play a subordinate role.
If they truly take power, then the alliance between Germany and the Soviet Union could easily defeat Britain and France, turning Europe completely red.
However, Stalin remains skeptical about the possibility of a permanent alliance with Germany. Like Strasser, he believes that the Soviet Union should be the dominant party, and neither of them thinks their country should be relegated to a subordinate position.
"Perhaps I should meet that guy in person and have a good talk with him," Stalin couldn't help thinking.
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